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Japanese is a synthetic language with the morphology of the regular object-object-object of the agglutinative work, with productive and fixed elements. In language typology, it has many different features from most European languages. The phrases are exclusively head-final and compound sentences are exclusively left-branched. There are many such languages, but few in Europe. This is a prominent language in the topic.


Video Japanese grammar



Some typical aspects of modern Japanese sentence structure

Word order: head end and left branch

The modern theory of sequencing ("word order"), usually associated with Joseph Greenberg, identifies several types of phrases. Each has a head and may be a modifier. The phrase head either precedes the modifier (the initial head) or follows it (the final head). Some of these types of phrases, with heads marked thick, are:

  • the genitive phrase, that is, the noun is changed by another noun ("cover book", "cover the book ");
  • nouns are set by an adposition (" on table", " under table");
  • comparison ("[X is] bigger than Y", that is, "compared to Y, X is large ").
  • nouns are changed with adjectives ("black cats ").

Some languages ​​are inconsistent in constituent order, have a mixture of the initial phrase type head and end type phrase head. Looking at the previous list, English for example is mostly the head start, but the noun follows the adjective that changes it. In addition, the genitive phrase can be either the head or the beginning of the head in English. Japan, on the other hand, is the epitome of the final head language:

  • genitive phrase: "? " (neko no iro ), paint GEN color = "cat ( neko no ) colors ( iro ) ";
  • nouns are set by adposition : ?? ? (nihon ni ), Japanese in = " in Japanese";
  • comparison: "Y ?? ??? " (Y yori ookii ), Y of big = " big ger from Y" ;
  • the noun is changed with the adjective: "? ? " (kuro neko ) = "black cat ".

The headline in the structure of the Japanese sentence is brought to the sentence building using another sentence. In sentences that have other sentences as constituents, subordinated sentences (relative clauses, for example), always precede what they mean, because they are modifiers and what they modify have the phrasal head syntactic status. Translating sentence men walking down the street into Japanese wording is down the road in walking man . (Note that Japan has no articles, and different word order eliminates the need for relative pronouns who .)

Head finalization also applies when sentences are coordinated rather than below. In the language of the world, it is common to avoid repetition between coordinated clauses by optionally deleting the same constituent in two parts, as in Bob buys his mother's flower and his father's tie , where the second removed. In Japanese, such "gapping" should precede in reverse order: Bob's mom for some flowers and dad for a purchased tie . The reason is that in Japanese, sentences (other than sentences or reversed sentences that sometimes contain additional signs) always end up with a verb (or other predictive words such as verb, verb adjective, adjective verb) - the only exceptions are some particles like ka , ne , and yo . ka converts the statement into a question, while the last sentence particle expresses the speaker's attitude to the statement.

Word class system

Japanese has five main lexical word classes:

  • noun
  • noun verbs (in accordance with English Gerunds like 'learn', 'jump', showing activity)
  • nominal adjectives (names vary, also called na -adwords or "adjective adjectives")
  • verb
  • adjectives
  • (called i )

More broadly, there are two classes: unchangeable (nouns, including verbal nouns and noun adjectives) and inflabel (verbs, with adjectives as broken verbs). Precisely, the verb noun is just a noun that suru ( ?? , "do") can be added, while the word the noun object is like a noun but uses -na ( ?? ) than - no ( ?? ) when acting attributively. The adjective ( i -adwords) is identical to the negative form of the verb, which ends na-i ( ?? ) . Compare tabe-na-i ( ???? , do not eat) -> tabe- katta ( ?????? , not eating) and atsu-i ( ?? , hot) -> atsu-katta (< span lang = "ja"> ???? , it feels hot) .

Some scholars, such as Eleanor Harz Jorden, refer to adjectives as adjectives , because they are grammatically different from adjectives: they can precede a sentence. That is, atsui ( ?? ) is dubbed as "hot" when modifying the noun phrase, as in atsui gohan ( ???? , hot food) , but because " is hot" when predicate, like in gohan wa atsui ( ????? , [food] hot) .

Two classes, verbs and inflections adjectives, are closed classes, which means they are not ready for new members. In contrast, new verbs and verbs and conjugated loans are periphrastically as a verbal noun suru (eg benky> Suru (? ??? , learning, learning) ) and the adjective noun na . This differs from the Indo-European language, in which the verb and adjective are open classes, although the analogy of "doing" constructs exists, including English "doing good," "doing twist" or "faire un footing" ", go for jogging), and periphrastic construction is common to other senses, such as" trying to climb "(noun verbal) or" try parkour "(noun). Other languages ​​where the verb is a closed class include Basque: New Basque verbs are only formed periphrastically. Instead, the pronoun is a closed class in Western but the class is open in Japanese and some other East Asian languages.

In some cases, a new verb is created by adding -ru ( ?? ) to the noun or using it to replace the end a word. This is most often done with loan words, and produces words written in a mixture of katakana (stem) and hiragana (inflective end), which are very rare. This is usually normal, with the most established example being sabo-ru ( ??? , cut class; play hooky) (about 1920), from sabot? ju ( ?????? , sabotage) , with other common examples including memo-ru ( ??? , write memo) , from memo (? ? , memo) , and misu-ru ( ??? , make a mistake) from misu ( ?? , error) . In cases where the borrowed word has ended with ru (? ) , it may be stuck to ru (? ) , as in gugu-ru ( ??? , google) , from Google ( ???? ) and dabu-ru ( ??? , to duplicate) , from daburu ( ??? , double) .

New adjectives are very rare; one example is kiiro-i ( ??? , yellow) , from the adjective noun kiiro ( ?? ) , and the more recent, more casual example is kimo-i (< span lang = "ja"> ??? , dirty) , with contraction kimochi waru-i ( ??? ?? , bad feelings) . In contrast, in the words of the Ancient Japanese -shiki ( ??? ) (current precursor i -the sign ending -shi-i ( ??? ) , previously is a different word class) open, as reflected in words like ita-ita-shi-i ( ???? , painful) , from the adjectives ita-i ( ?? , painful, sick) , and k? -g? -shi -i ( heaven, sublime) , from the noun we < span> (? , god) (with sound change). Japanese adjectives are unusual in closed classes but quite a lot - about 700 adjectives - while most languages ​​with closed-class adjectives have very little. Some believe this is due to grammatical inflection changes from the system aspects to the tense system, with adjectives preceding the change.

Conjugation i -adwords has similarities to verb conjugation, unlike the Western language where the adjective inflection, where it exists, is more likely to have in common with the decline of nouns. Verbs and adjectives are closely related unusual from an English perspective, but are a common case in all languages ​​in general, and one can consider the Japanese adjectives as a kind of stative verb.

Japanese vocabulary has a large layer of Chinese loan words, almost all of them back over a thousand years, but almost none of them are verbs or "i-i-/-adwords" - all are nouns, where some are verbal nouns ( suru ) and some adjective nouns ( na ). In addition to the basic verbal nouns suru , noun verbs with single character roots often experience sound changes, such as -suru ( ??? ) -> -zuru ( ??? ) -> - jiru ( ??? ) , as in kin-jiru ( ??? , prohibit) , and some cases where the bar changed sound, as in tassuru ( ??? , range) , from tatsu (? ) .

The verbal noun is a non-controversial noun, having little syntactic difference to distinguish it from a pure noun such as a 'mountain'. There are some minor differences in verbal nouns, especially that some are primarily conjugates as -wo suru ( ???? ) (with particles), more like nouns, while others are mainly conjugates as -suru ( ??? ) , and the others are mediocre. For example, keiken wo suru ( ????? , for experience) is much more common than keiken suru ( ???? ) , while kanben suru ( ???? , to be forgiven) is much more common than kanben wo suru ( ???? ) . Nominal adjectives have more syntactic differences versus pure nouns, and are traditionally considered to be more separate, but they, too, are ultimately a noun subcategory.

There are several minor word classes associated with noun nouns, the adjectives taru and the adjective naru . From this, the naru adjective is a fossil of the earliest form of the na (adjective nari of Ancient Japanese), and is usually classified separately , while the taru adjective is a parallel adjective (formerly dance in Old Japanese), but is usually classified by the adjective na .

Japanese as a prominent language in the topic

In pragmatic discourse, the term topic refers to what part of the discourse. At the beginning of the discourse section, this topic is usually unknown, in which case it is usually necessary to explicitly mention it. As the discourse progresses, the topic need not be the grammatical subject of every new sentence.

Beginning with Central Japanese, grammar evolved so explicitly distinguishing topics from nontopic. This is done by two different particles (short words that do not change shape). Consider the following sentence pairs:

?? ? ???
taiy? ga noboru
sun NONTOPIC ride
?? ? ???
taiy? wa noboru
sun TOPIC up

Both sentences are translated as "sunrise". In the first sentence the sun (?? taiy? ) is not a topic of discourse - yet; in the second sentence now is the topic of discourse. In linguistics (especially, in pragmatic discourse) a sentence like the second (with wa ) is called the presentational sentence because its function in discourse is to present > sun as a topic, to "talk about it for discussion". Once the reference has been set as the current monologue or dialogue topic, then in Japanese (formal), the marking will change from ga to wa . To further explain the difference, the second sentence translation can be enlarged into "As for the sun, rising" or "Speaking of the sun, rising"; this rendering reflects the fragment of discourse in which the "sun" is being formed as an extended discussion topic.

The free abandonment of the subject line

Grammatical subjects are generally omitted in Japanese, as in

????????
nihon ni ikimashita
Japan LATIVE go- POLITE - PERFECT

The sentence literally states "go to Japan". Subjects are mentioned when topics are introduced, or in situations where ambiguity may be due to their negligence. The preceding sentence is likely to be spoken in the midst of discourse, where who "goes to Japan" will become clear from what has been said (or written).

Maps Japanese grammar



Sentences, phrases, and words

The Text (?? ) consists of the sentence ( bun ), which in turn consists of > phrase (?? bunsetsu ), which is the smallest coherent component. Like classical Chinese and Korean, Japanese writing usually does not demarcate words with spaces; its agglutinative nature increasingly makes the word concept somewhat different from the words in English. The reader identifies the division of words with semantic cues and knowledge of phrase structure. The phrase has the word single bearing-meaning, followed by a suffix string, auxiliary verbs and particles to change its meaning and point to the role of its grammar. In the following example, the phrase is indicated with a vertical bar:

??? | ?? | ?? | ???
taiy? ga | higashi no | sora ni | noboru
sun SUBJECT | east POSITIF | sky LOCATIVE | rise
The sun rises in the eastern sky.

Some scholars romanize Japanese sentences by including spaces only on the phrase boundary ( ie , " taiy? -ga higashi-no sora-ni noboru "), treating whole phrases as single word. This is an almost pure phonological conception of where one word ends and the next begins. There is some validity in taking this approach: phonologically, postpositional particles join the structural word that precedes it, and in a phonological phrase, pitch can have at most one autumn. Usually, however, grammarians adopt a more conventional concept of word (?? tango ), which calls the meaning and structure of a sentence.

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Word classification

In general linguistics, words and affixes are often grouped into two main categories of words: lexical words, words that refer to the world outside a discourse, and the words function - also includes fragments of words - that help build sentences in accordance with the rules of grammar. The lexical words include nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and occasionally prepositions and postpositions, while grammatical words or parts of words include others. The original traditions in Japanese grammar seem to agree on the view of this classification. This native Japanese tradition uses terminology jiritsugo (???), "independent words", for words that have lexical meaning, and fuzokugo (???) , "additional words", for words that have grammatical functions.

Classical Japanese has several additional verbs (ie independent words) that have become grammatical in modern Japanese as inflection suffixes, such as the end-of-past suffix -ta (which may has evolved as a contraction -te ari ).

Traditional scholarship proposes a word-class system that is somewhat different from those mentioned above. The words "independent" have the following categories.

katsuy? go (???), a class of words that have inflections
d? shi (??), verbs,
keiy? shi (???), i -types of adjectives.
keiy? d? shi (????), na -a type of adjective
hikatsuy? go (????) or mukatsuy? go (????), a word class that has no inflection
meishi (??), noun
daimeishi (???), pronoun
fukushi (??), adverb
setsuzokushi (???), conjunction
kand? shi (???), interjections
rentaishi (???), prenominals

Additional words are also divided into classes that can not be defeated, containing grammatical particles (?? joshi ) and counter-words (???? jos? Shi ), and conjugated classes consisting of verb auxiliaries (??? jod? shi ). There is no broad agreement among linguists regarding the English translation of the above terms.

Controversy over characterization of nominal adjectives

Uehara (1998) observes that Japanese linguists do not agree with the criteria that make some of the words "inflection", katsuy? , and others not, in particular, ???? keiy? d? shi - " na -adwords" or " na -malinal". (It is not argued that nouns such as 'books' and 'mounts' are non-interactive and verbs and words are inflectional.) The claim that na -adwords is inflexional rests on the claim that syllables da 'is', usually regarded as "copula verb", really suffix - an inflection. Thus hon 'book', produce one word sentence, honda 'it is a book', not a two-word phrase, hon da . However, many constructions do not seem to match the claims of copula suffixal.

(1) Reduplication for emphasis
Hora! Hon, hon! 'Look, that is a book!'
Hora! Kirei, kirei! 'Look, it's pretty !'
Hora! Furui, furui! 'Look, it's old !' (infectivity adjectiva - i can not be abandoned)
Hora! Iku, iku! 'Look, it's not gone!' (Verbal infections - u can not be abandoned)
(2) Questions. In Japanese, questions are formed by adding particles ka (or in ordinary language, just by changing sentence intonation).
Hon/kirei ka? 'Is this a book? Beautiful, right? '
Furu-i/Ik-u ka? 'Is it old? Ã,; Does it go away? '(Inflection can not be abandoned)
(3) Some additional verbs, for example, the , 'it looks like that'
Hon myth and da; Kirei mitai da 'This seems to be a book; Looks pretty '
Furu-i mitai da; Ik-u mitai da 'Looks like it's old; It seems to go '

On the basis of such constructions, Uehara (1998) finds that copula is indeed an independent word, and that regarding the parameters in which i -adwords shares the syntactic pattern of verbs, the pattern of nominal adjectives with pure nouns instead.

Similarly, Eleanor Jorden considers this class of words a kind of par, not an adjective, and refers to them as na -malinal in his textbook Japanese: Oral Language.

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Nouns

Japanese has no grammatical gender, number, or article (though demonstrative, "sono ," that, they ", often translated as" the "). Thus, specialists have agreed that the Japanese nouns have not changed:? neko can be translated as "cat", "cat", "cat", "cat", "some cats" and so on, depending on the context. However, as part of a pair of extensive Japanese grammar systems for honor (making discourse respect to recipients or even to third parties) and politeness, nouns can also be modified. The noun takes a courtesy prefix (which has not yet been regarded as inflection): o - for the original noun, and go - for the Sino-Japanese noun. Some examples are given in the following table. In some cases, there is a request, like the first of the examples given below, 'rice'. (Note that while this prefix is ​​almost always present in Hiragana - that is, like o - or go Ã, - kanji is used both for o and go prefix in formal writing.)

Lack of numbers, Japan does not distinguish between count and mass nouns. (An English speaker who learns Japanese will be advised to treat Japanese nouns as mass nouns.) A small number of nouns have a collective formed by reduplication (possibly accompanied by sound and related processes); eg: hito 'people' and hitobito 'people'. Reduplication is not productive. Japanese words that refer to more than one thing are collective, not plural. Hitobito , for example, means "many people" or "people in general". It was never used to mean "two people". A phrase like edo no hitobito will be defined as "Edo people", or "Edo population", not "two people from Edo" or even "some people from Edo". Similarly, yamayama means "many mountains".

A limited number of nouns have a collective form that refers to a group of people. Examples include watashi-tachi , 'we'; anata-tachi , 'you (plural)'; bokura , 'we (less formal, more masculine)'. An unusual private noun, ware , 'I', or in some cases, 'you', has a much more common reduplicative collective form wareware 'we'.

The suffix -tachi (?) And -ra (?) Is by far the most common collective suffix. This is, again, not mixing the suffix: tar? -tachi does not mean "some people named Taro", but shows the group including Taro. Depending on the context, tar? -tachi may be translated into "Taro and his friends", "Taro and his brothers", "Taro and his family", or any other logical grouping that has Taro as a representative. Some words with a collective have become fixed phrases and (usually) refer to one person. In particular, kodomo 'child' and i> tomodachi 'friends' may be singular, even though - [t] omo and - [t ] achi initially collects in these words; to clearly refer to groups of them, additional collection of suffixes added: kodomotachi 'children' and tomodachitachi 'friends', though tomodachitachi > is a bit overwhelming. Tachi is sometimes applied to inanimate objects, kuruma 'cars' and kuruma-tachi , 'cars', for example, but this usage is the language day-to-day and demonstrated a high degree of anthropomorphism and childhood similarity, and is no more generally accepted as a standard.

Grammatical case

Grammatical cases in Japanese are characterized by particles placed after nouns. The characteristic of Japan is that two cases are roughly equivalent to nominative cases in other languages: one representing the topic of a sentence, the other representing the subject. The most important case markers are as follows:

  • Nominative - ? (ga) for the subject, ? (wa) for the topic
  • Genitive - ? (not)
  • Dative - ? (ni)
  • Accusative - ? (wo)
  • Lative - ? (e), used for the destination (as in "to somewhere")
  • Ablative - ?? (kara), used for source direction (as in "from some places")
  • Instrumental - ? (de)
  • Pronouns

    Although many grammars and textbooks mention pronouns (??? daimeishi ), the Japanese language has no correct pronouns. ( Daimeishi can be considered a subset of the noun.) Actually, the pronoun does not take modifiers, but the Japanese daimeishi do: ????? se no takai kare (as high as him) applies in Japanese. Also, unlike the correct pronoun, the Japanese daimeishi is not a closed class: daimeishi is newly introduced and the old one is not used relatively quickly.

    A large number of daimeishi refers to the person being translated as a pronoun in the most common use. Example: kare , (he); ?? kanojo , (dia); ? watashi , (I); see also adjacent tables or longer lists. Some "personal nouns" like this? onore , me (very humble), or? boku , me (young man), also use second person: ??? onore in the second person is "very" very rough, and boku in the second person is the small "gentleman" used for boys. Kare and kanojo also mean "girlfriend" and "girlfriend" respectively, and the use of these words may be more common than those used as a pronoun.

    Like other subjects, the Japanese do not emphasize personalized daimeishi , which is rarely used. This is partly because the Japanese sentence does not necessarily require explicit subjects, and partly because the name or title is often used where the pronoun will appear in translation:

    ????????????????
    Kinoshita-san wa, se ga takai desu ne.
    (talk to Mr. Kinoshita) "You're tall enough, are not you?"
    ??????????????????????????????????????????????
    Semmu, as Fukuoka Fukuoka-shi nishi-ku no Yamamoto-sh? ji no shach? ni atte itadakemasu ka?
    (speaking to the managing director) "Is it possible for you to meet Yamamoto Trading Co.'s president in Ward Barat, Fukuoka tomorrow?"

    Possible references from daimeishi are sometimes restricted depending on the sequence of events. The following pair of examples from Bart Mathias illustrates one such obstacle.

    Honda-kun ni, kare no hon o kaeshita (???????????????)
    (I) met Honda and returned his book. ("His" here could refer to Honda.)
    Kare ni ate, Honda-kun no hon o kaeshita (???????????????)
    (I) met him and returned the Honda book. (Here, "he" can not refer to Honda.)

    Reflexive pronoun

    English has a reflexive form of each person's pronoun ( himself , himself , own , own , etc.) ; Japan, on the other hand, has one main reflexive daimeishi , ie jibun (??), which can also mean 'I'. The use of reflexive (pro) words in two languages ​​is very different, as shown by the following literal translations (* = impossible, Ã, ?? = ambiguous):

    If a sentence has more than one grammatical or semantic subject, then the jibun target is the subject of the primary or most prominent action ; so in the following sentence jibun refers clearly to Shizuko (though Makoto is a grammatical subject) because its main action is to read Shizuko.

    ????????????????
    Makoto wa Shizuko ni jibun no uchi de hon o yomaseta.
    Makoto made Shizuko read books at his home.

    In practice, the primary action can not always be seen, in which case such sentences are unclear. The use of jibun in complex sentences follows a rule that is not trivial.

    There is also equivalent to jibun like mizukara . Other uses of reflexive pronouns in English are covered by words such as hitorideni used in the sense of "by oneself". For example,

    ?????????????
    kikai ga hitorideni ugokidashita
    "The machine starts operating on its own."

    Changes in verb valence are not achieved by using reflexive pronouns (in Japanese like English but unlike many other European languages). In contrast, intransitive verbs and separate (but usually related) transitive verbs are used. There is no longer a productive morphology to acquire the transitive verb from the intransitive verb, or vice versa.

    Demonstrative

    Demonstratives occur in series ko - , so - , and a - . The serial ko - (proximal) refers to things closer to the speaker than the listener, the finished - (medial) series for things closer to the listener, and > a - (distal) series for things that are distant to both the speaker and the listener. By doing - , the demonstrative changes into an appropriate interrogative form. Demonstratives can also be used to refer people, for example

    ????????????
    Kochira wa Hayashi-san desu.
    "This is Mr. Hayashi."

    The demonstrative boundary, and therefore precedes, the noun; so ??? kono hon for "this/my book", and ??? sono hon for "that/your book".

    When demonstratives are used to refer to things not seen by speakers or listeners, or concepts (abstract), they fulfill different but differentiated anaphoric roles. The anaphoric distals are used to share information between the speaker and the listener.

    A: ??????????????
    A: Senjitsu, Sapporo ni itte kimashita.
    A: I recently visited Sapporo.
    B: ??? (* ??) ??????????????
    B: Asoko (* Soko) wa itsu itte mo ii tokoro desu ne.
    B: Yes, that's a great place to visit whenever you go.

    Soko instead of asoko will imply that B does not share this knowledge about Sapporo, which does not fit the meaning of the sentence. Anaphoric medial is used to refer to experience or knowledge that is not shared between the speaker and the listener.

    ??: ????????????????
    Sat? Ã,: Tanaka to iu hito ga kin? shinda n da tte...
    Sato: I heard that a man named Tanaka died yesterday...
    ?: ??????
    Mori: E ', hont ??
    Mori: Oh, really?
    ??: ?????? (* ??) ??????????????????
    Sab: Dakara, sono (* what) here, Mori-san no mukashi no rinjin ja nakatta 'kke?
    Sato: That's why I'm asking... is not he your old neighbor?

    Again, ano is inappropriate here because Sato does not (unknowingly) know Tanaka personally. The proximal demonstration does not have a clear anaphoric use. They can be used in situations where distal sound is too interrupted:

    ????????? (* ??) ??
    Ittai nan desu ka, kore (* are) wa?
    What's this?

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    Conjugation words

    Rod shape

    Before discussing the conjugated words, a short note about the bar shape . Conjugative endings and auxiliary verbs are attached to the stem form of affix. In modern Japan there are six following trunk shapes.

    Note that this sequence follows from the end of -a, -i, -u, -e, -o in this form ?? (5-lines) verbs (in Japanese sequence order), where the terminal and attributive forms are the same for verbs (hence only 5 surface shapes), but differently for nominal, especially na -malinal.

    Irrealis form (??? mizenkei ) -a (and -? )
    is used for plain negative (from verb), causal and passive construction. The most common use of this form is with a -nai aide which converts a verb into a negative (predicate) form. (See Verbs below.) Version -? is used for expressing wills and is formed by eufonic (? Onbin) changes.
    Contemporary shape ( ren'y? kei ) -i
    is used in linking roles (sort of serial verb constructs). This is the most productive stem shape, taking various ends and auxiliaries, and can even occur independently in a sense similar to the end of -te . This form is also used to exclude adjectives.
    Terminal shapes (??? sh? shikei ) -u
    is used at the end of the clause in the predicate position. This form is also known as normal form (??? kihonkei ) or dictionary form (??? jishokei > ) - it is the verb form listed below in the dictionary.
    Attribute Form ( ??? rentaikei ) -u
    begins with nominals and is used to define or classify a noun, similar to a relative clause in English. In modern Japanese the term is practically identical to the terminal form, except that the verb is generally unaffected by modesty; in ancient Japan these forms are different. Furthermore, na -malinal behaves differently in terminals and attributive positions; see adjectives, below.
    Hypothetical ( kateikei ) -e
    is used for conditional and subjunctive forms, using -ba end.
    imperative Forms (??? meireikei ) -e
    is used to convert a verb into a command. Adjectives do not have an imperative parent form.

    The application of conjugate endings to stem the form follows certain euphonic principles (?? onbin ), discussed below.

    Verbs

    Verbs (?????????) in Japanese are rigidly limited to the end of the clause in what is known as the predicate position. This means the verb is always at the end of the sentence.

    The subject and object of the verb are denoted by using particles , and the grammatical functions of the verb - especially tense and sound - are indicated by conjugation. When subjects and dissertative topics coincide, subjects are often ignored; if the verb is intransitive, the whole sentence can consist of a single verb. The verb has two word forms indicated by conjugation, then and nonpast. The semantic difference between present and future is not shown by conjugation. There is usually no ambiguity because the context makes it clear whether the speaker is referring to the present or the future. Voice and aspect are also indicated by conjugation, and possibly an agglutative auxiliary verb. For example, the continative aspect is formed by a continuous conjugation known as gerundive or -te form , and the additional verb iru "becomes"; describe, ?? miru ("see") -> ???? mites ("must be seen").

    Verbs can be classified semantically based on certain conjugations.

    Crucial verb
    denotes existential traits, such as "be" (?? iru ), "to be able to do" (??? imitate ), "need" (?? i> iru ), etc. These verbs generally do not have continuous conjugations with -iru because they are already semantic continuous.
    Continuous Verbs
    conjugate with the -iru helper to show progressive aspect. Example: "eat" (??? taberu ), "drink" (?? nomu ), "think" (??? kangaeru ). To illustrate the conjugation, ??? taberu ("eat") -> ????? tabete iru ("to eat").
    Verbs are timely
    conjugates with -liu to indicate repetitive actions, or ongoing circumstances after multiple actions. Example: ?? shiru ("know") -> ????? shitte iru ("to know"); ?? utsu ("to hit") -> ????? utte iru ("will hit (repeatedly)").
    Non-will verb
    shows uncontrolled actions or emotions. This verb does not generally have a vocal, imperative or potential conjunction. Example: ?? konomu , "likes/likes" (emotif), ??? mieru , "visible" (non-emotive).
    Motion verb
    shows movement. Example: ?? aruku ("walk"), ?? kaeru ("to return"). In a continuous form (see below) they take the ni particle to indicate the destination.

    There are other possible classes, and many overlap between classes.

    Lexically, almost every verb in Japanese is a member of one of the following three conjugate groups (see also Japanese consonant vowels and vowels).

    Group 2a (??? we ichidan , lit up 1 row group)
    a verb with a rod end in i . The terminal rod shape is always rhythmic with -iru . Example: ?? miru ("see"), ?? imitate ("wear").
    Group 2b (??? shimo ichidan , lit. lower 1-row group)
    a verb with a bar ending in e . The terminal rod shape is always rhythmic with -eru . Example: ??? taberu ("eat"), ??? kureru ("giving" (to someone with low or more intimate status)). (Note that some Group 1 verbs are similar to Group 2b verbs, but the trunk ends in r instead of e .)
    Group 1 (?? godan , 5-line group is on)
    a verb with a bar ending in consonant. When this r and the verb end in -eru , it is not visible from the terminal form whether the verb is Group 1 or Group 2b, for example ?? kaeru ("to return"). If the stem ends in w , it only appears before the final a of the irrealist form.

    The "line" in the above classification means the line in goj? On the table. "Upper 1-row" means a line that is one line above the middle row (row-u) ie row i. "Lower 1-row" means a line that is one line below the middle row (row-u) ie row-e. "5-line" means the conjugation goes though all 5 rows of goj on the table. Conjugation is fully explained by identifying rows and columns in the table. As an example, ?? ( miru , "to see") belongs to ??????? (conjunction ma-column i-line), ??? ( taberu , "eat") belongs to ??????? (ba-columns conjugate e-lines), and ?? ( kaeru , "to return") belongs to ?????? (ra-columns 5-row conjugation).

    One should avoid confusing verbs in ?????? (Ra-columns 5-row conjugation) with verbs in ????? (i-line conjugation) or ????? (e-line conjugation). As an example, ?? ( kiru , "to cut") belongs to ?????? (Ra-columns 5-row conjugation), while its homophone ?? ( kiru , "to wear") belongs to ??????? (conjugate ka-column i-row). As well, ?? ( neru , "to squeeze") belongs to ?????? (Ra-columns 5-row conjugation), while its homophone ?? ( neru , "sleep") belongs to ??????? (conjugate line-e-lines).

    Historical note: classical Japanese has top and bottom row groups 1 and 2 and our 4-row group (?/??? us/shimo ichidan ,?/?? us/shimo nidan , and yodan , the nidan verb most of the verbs ichidan today (there are only a few ichidan verbs and only one verb shimo ichidan in classical Japanese, and the yodan group, due to writing reform in 1946 to write Japanese as it is pronounced , naturally became a modern verb godan. Since verbs have migrated across groups in the history of language, the conjugation of classical verbs is unpredictable from knowledge of modern Japan alone.

    From an irregular class, there are two:

    sa -group
    which has only one member, ?? ( suru , "doing"). In Japanese grammar these words are classified as ?? sa-hen , short for ?????? sa-gy? henkaku katsuy? , sa-row irregular conjugation).
    ka -group
    which also has one member, ?? ( kuru , "to come"). The Japanese name for this class is ?????? ka-gy? henkaku katsuy? or just ?? ka-hen .

    Classic Japanese has two further irregular classes, na -group, which contains ?? ( shinu , "off") and ?? ( inu , "to go", "to die"), ra -group, which includes such verbs ?? ari , the equivalent of modern aru , as well as quite a number of irregular verbs that can not be classified.

    The following table illustrates the rod shapes of the conjugate group above, with the roots indicated by dots. For example, to find the hypothetical form of a group verb 1 ?? stiff , look at the second line to find the root, kak , then in the hypothetical line to get the end -e , give the shape stem kake . When there are several possibilities, they are listed in the order of increasing scarcity.

    1. The form - a and - o irrealis for a Group 1 verb is historically one, but since post-World War II spelling reforms they have been written different. In modern Japanese, the form o is only used for moods and forms a used in all other cases; see also the conjugation table below.
    2. The unexpected ending is because the verb root becomes tsukaw - but [w] is only spoken before [a] in modern Japanese.

    Above are just the basic forms of the verb; for which it must add various verb endings to get a fully conjugated verb. The following table lists the most common conjugations. Note that in some cases the shape differs depending on the conjugate group of verbs. See the Japanese verb conjugation for the complete list.

    1. This is a completely different verb; ?? suru has no potential form.
    2. These forms change depending on the last syllable of the verb dictionary form (whether u , , gu , su , etc.). For details, see Euphonic changes, below, and Japanese verb conjugation articles and adjectives declensions.

    The suffix suffixes the conjugated -masu as group 1 verbs, except that the imperfect and perfect negative forms are -masen and â € each, and certain conjugations in practice are rare if ever used. Passive and potential suffixes -reru and -rareru , and the ends of -peru and -sasu all conjugate. as a group of 2b verbs. Therefore, some verbal edges can be hypnotized. For example, the common formations are the end of cause-passive , -graduates .

    ???????????????
    Boku wa ane ni natt? or tabe saserareta .
    I created for eating natt? by my sister (sister).

    As expected, most likely the final combination of conjugatives is not theoretically semantic.

    Transitive and intransitive verbs

    Japanese has many related variations of the transitive verb (which takes the direct object) and the intransitive verb (which usually does not take the direct object), like transitive hajimeru (???, someone or something started an activity), and intransitive hajimaru (???, an activity begins).

    Note: Some intransitive verbs (usually verbs) take what seems like a direct object, but not. For example, hanareru (???, to go):

    ?? ??? ????
    Watashi wa Tokyo or hanareru.
    I left Tokyo.

    Glossary of nouns and nouns

    Speaking semantically, words that show attributes or properties are distributed principally between two morphological classes (there are also several other classes):

    • verb verb (conventionally called "i-i-i-i-wordword") (, ke ke ke <<<<<<<<<<<<<<) rod shapes, and semantically and morphologically similar to stative verbs.
    • noun adjectives (commonly called " na -adwords") (???? keiy? d? shi , lit. "adjective verb") Ã, - this is a noun combining with copula.

    Unlike adjectives in languages ​​like English, i -adwords in Japanese are changed to aspects and moods, such as verbs. Japanese adjectives do not have a comparative or superlative inflection; comparative and superlative should be marked periphrastically using adverbs such as 'more' and ichiban 'most'.

    Each adjective in Japanese can be used in attributive positions. Almost every Japanese adjective can be used in a predicative position; this is different from English where there are many common adjectives like "main", as in "main question", which can not be used in the predicate position (ie, * "The question is big" is not grammatically English). There are some Japanese adjectives that can not be predicate, known as ??? ( rentaishi, attributives), derived from another word class; examples include ??? ? quinine "big", ??? chiisana "small", and ???? okashina "weird" all styled na -type variants of the i -typical adjectives.

    All i -adwords except for ?? ( ii , either) have regular conjugations, and ii is not regular only in the fact that it is a change form of the usual adjectives ?? yoi is allowed in terminal and attributive form. For all other forms he returns to yoi .

    1. The attributive and terminal forms used to be ?? .ki and ?? .shi , respectively; in modern Japan it is used productively for style reasons only, although many phrases are arranged like ??? nanashi (anonymous) and ?? yoshi (sometimes written yosh ', general positive positiveness) comes from them.
    2. The imperative form is very rare in modern Japan, limited to set patterns like ?????? osokare hayakare 'sooner or later', where they are treated as adverbial phrases. It is impossible for the imperative form to be in a predicate position.

    The adjectives general conjugation is mentioned below. ii is not treated separately, because all conjugated forms are identical to yoi .

    1. note that this is just a form of i -type of adjectives ?? nai
    2. because most adjectives describe a non-will condition, a form of will is defined as "it is possible", if it makes sense. In some rare cases it is semi-volitional: ???? yokar? 'OK' (lit: leave well) in response to a report or request.

    Adjectives are also governed by euphonic rules in certain cases, as noted in the section below. For negative negative words na -a type of adjective, see also the sections below in the word discordant? da .

    The copula (? da )

    Sopula da behaves very much like verbs or adjectives in terms of conjugation.

    Historical sound changes

    Modern pronunciation is the result of a long history of phonemic shifts that can be traced back to the thirteenth century written records, and perhaps earlier. However, it was not until 1946 that the Japanese ministry of education modified the use of existing kana to conform to the standard dialect (??????????????????????) . All previous texts used ancient orthography, now referred to as the use of historical kana. The adjacent table is an almost complete list of these spelling changes.

    Notice that the morae palatalized yu, yo ( ??? ) is combined with the initial consonant, if any, yields palatalized syllables. The most basic example of this is modern ky? ( ?????? , today) , historically developed as kefu ( ?? ) -> ky? ( ??? ) , via efu ( ?? ) -> y? ( ?? ) rules.

    Some sound changes are not reflected in spelling. First, ou merged with oo, are both pronounced as length ?. Second, particles? and? is still written using historical use, though it is pronounced as wa and o, than ha and wo, with exceptions rare ???, pronounced as -n wo, as in sen'en wo itadakimasu ( ????? ???? , I humbly receive a thousand yen) .

    Among the Japanese speakers, it is generally not understood that the historical spelling kana , at one point, reflects the pronunciation. As an example, ?? (lit. efu ) for "leaf" (?, modern ha ) is pronounced something like [epu] by the Japanese at the time borrowed. However, modern readers of the classical text will still read this as [joo], a modern pronunciation.

    Verb conjugation

    As mentioned above, the conjugations of several verbs and adjectives are different from the formation rules specified due to euponic changes. Almost all eufonik changes themselves regularly. For verbs, exceptions are all in the end of the group's continuous form when additional help starts with t -sound, i. ,? ta ,? te , ?? rates , etc.

    * indicates an impossible/not mathematical form.

    There is one other irregular change: ?? it (to go), which has a great continual form: ?? this ? te -> ??? itte , ?? this ? ta -> ??? itta , etc.

    There is a dialectical difference, which is also common and generally occurs in similar situations. For example, in the Kansai dialect -i t - the conjugation is instead converted to -ut-, as in om? Ta ( ??? ) than omotta ( ??? ) , as perfect from omou ( ?? , think ) . In this example, this can be combined with previous vocals through historical sound changes, as in shim? Ta ( ???? ) ( au -> ? ) than the standard shimatta ( ???? ) .

    Polite adjectives

    The continuous form of the proper adjective, when followed by a polite form like gozaru ( ??? , be) or < i> zonjiru ( ??? , know, think) , underwent a transformation; this may be followed by a change in historical sound, resulting in a one-step or two-step sound change. Note that this verb is almost always conjugated to a polite -masu ( ??? ) , such as gozaimasu ( ????? ) and zonjimasu ( ???? ) (note the irregular conjunction gozaru, discussed below), and that this verb is preceded by a continuous form - -i ( ?? ) - of adjectives, rather than terminal form - -i ( ) - used before everyday desu ( ?? , be) .

    The rules are -ku ( ?? ) -> -u (< span lang = "ja"> ?? ) (dropping -k - ), may also merge with previous syllables according to the spelling reform graph, which may also undergo palatalization in the case of ??? ( yu, yo ) .

    Historically there are two classes of precise ancient Japanese adjectives, -ku ( ?? ) and -shiku ( ??? ) (" me adjective" means "not preceded by shi "). This difference collapsed during the evolution of the late Middle Eastern adjectives, and both are now considered -i ( ?? ) adjectives. The voice change for the adjective -shii follows the same rules as for other -ii adjectives, especially that the previous vowels also changed and the previous mora underwent palatalization, resulting in - shiku ( ??? ) -> -sh? ( ???? ) , although historically this is considered a separate but parallel rule.

    Verbs

    Respect verbs ???? my kudasaru 'to get', ??? nasaru 'do', ??? gozaru 'to', ?????? irassharu 'be/come/go', ????? ossharu 'to say', etc. behave like group verb 1, except in a continual and imperative form.

    conversation contraction

    In speech, a general combination of conjugate and auxiliary verbs is contracted in a fairly regular manner.

    Sometimes there's something else, like -movies -> -annai like in wakaranai (? ??? , do not understand) -> wakannai ( ????? ) and tsumaranai ( ????? , boring) -> tsumannai ( ????? ) - this is considered quite commonplace and more common among the younger generation.

    Contractions are different from dialects, but they are the same as those given above. For example, in the Kansai dialect -te shimau ( ????? ) -> -theme ( ???? ) .

    Review: Understanding basic Japanese grammar | Japanese Tease
    src: www.japanesetease.net


    Other independent words

    Adverbs

    Description in Japanese is not tightly integrated into morphology as in many other languages. Indeed, the word description is not an independent class of words, but a role played by another word. For example, each adjective in a continuous form can be used as an adverb; therefore, ?? yowai 'weak' (adj) -> ?? yowaku 'weak' (adv). The main distinguishing feature of adverbs is that they can not occur in predicate positions, as in English. The following classification of adverbs is not intended to be authoritative or complete.

    Verbal adverbs
    is a verb in continuous form with the particles ni . For example. ?? miru 'to see' -> ?? mi ni 'for viewing purpose', used for example as: ???? mi ni iku , go to see (something) .
    Adjectival adjectives
    is an adjective in a continuous form, as mentioned above.
    Nominal caption
    is a grammatical noun that serves as an adverb. Example: ?? ichiban 'highest'.
    Sound symbolism
    are words that mimic sounds or concepts. Example: ???? kirakira 'sparkling', ???? pokkuri 'all of a sudden', ???? surusuru 'smooth (glide)', etc.

    Often, especially for sound symbolism, the particles are to "as if" are used. See the article on Japanese voice symbolism.

    Conjunctions and interjections

    Examples of conjunctions: ??? soshite 'and then', ?? eye 'and then/again', etc. Although called "conjunctions", these words, as indicated by the English translation, are actually some sort of adverb.

    Examples of interjections: ?? ( hi , yes/OK/uh), ?? ( hee , wow!), ??? ( iie , not/not possible), ?? ( oi , hey!), etc. This part of speech is not much different from English.


    Additional words

    Particle

    Particles in Japanese are postpositional, because they immediately follow the modified components. The complete particle list is beyond the scope of this article, so only a few prominent particles are listed here. Keep in mind that the pronunciation and spelling are different for the particles wa (?), e (?) And o (?): This article follows the Hepburn style romanizing them according to pronunciation instead of spelling.

    Topics, themes, and subjects :? wa and? ga

    The complex differences between so-called topics (? wa ) and subject (? ga ) particles have become the theme of many doctoral dissertations and scientific disputes. Clause ?????? z? -wa hana-ga nagai is famous for appearing to contain two subjects. It does not just mean "long elephant nose", because it can be translated as ?????? z? -no nothing to be nagai . Instead, a more literal translation is "(talking about) the elephant, its nose

    Source of the article : Wikipedia

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